2.10 Community safety

Key messages

Why is it important?

Community safety is a foundation for the health and wellbeing of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander (First Nations) people. When communities are safe, individuals and families are better able to thrive across all areas of life – including health, education, employment, housing, and justice. Community safety is shaped by social and cultural determinants such as access to secure housing, income, education, and meaningful employment, as well as strong connections to Country, kin, and culture. Strengthening these protective factors, alongside healing and self-determination, supports positive outcomes and reinforces the resilience and leadership within First Nations communities. Under the National Agreement on Closing the Gap, by 2031 the aim is to reduce family violence and abuse against First Nations women and children by at least 50% as progress towards zero, reduce the rate of over-representation of children in out-of-home care by 45%, reduce adult incarceration rates by 15%, and reduce youth detention rates by 30%.

Data findings

• Between July 2021 and June 2023, there were 13,869 hospitalisations (or 692 per 100,000 population) due to assault among First Nations people nationally.
• Over the same period and adjusting for differences in the age structure between the two populations, First Nations people were 13 times as likely to be hospitalised due to assault as non-Indigenous Australians, and the rate of family-violence-related hospitalisations for First Nations people was 28 times that for non-Indigenous Australians.
• First Nations females were 24 times as likely to be hospitalised for assault as non-Indigenous females between July 2021 and June 2023. The difference between the two populations was largest in Remote and very remote areas where First Nations females were 48 times as likely to be hospitalised due to assault as non-Indigenous females.
• 69% of assaults that resulted in hospitalisation for First Nations females occurred in the home and in 59% of cases the perpetrator was a domestic partner.
• The rate of hospitalisations of First Nations people due to assault was highest in Remote and very remote areas (2,351 per 100,000 population) and lowest in Major cities (321 per 100,000 population) between July 2021 and June 2023.
• From 2016–17 to 2022–23, the rate of hospitalisations from assault decreased from 894 to 878 hospitalisations per 100,000 population for First Nations females and from 781 to 737 per 100,000 population for First Nations males, however the decrease was not statistically significant. 
• The relative rate of hospitalisations due to assault among First Nations people compared with non-Indigenous Australians generally remained constant between 2016–17 and 2022–23, with a slight downwards trend. However, the rate in 2016–17 was close to 12 times as high for First Nations people as for non-Indigenous Australians, increasing to 14 times as high in 2022–23.
• Between 2019 and 2023, in 5 jurisdictions with adequate Indigenous identification, there were 148 deaths (3.4 per 100,000 population) of First Nations people due to homicide.
• In 2019–2023, in the 5 jurisdictions, two-thirds (66%) of the 148 deaths of First Nations people due to homicide were deaths of First Nations males. For First Nations males the death rate due to homicide was 2.0 times that for First Nations females. 
• In 2019–2023, in the 5 jurisdictions, the death rate due to homicide was 5.6 times as high for First Nations females as for non-Indigenous females and 4.6 times as high for First Nations males as for non-Indigenous males.
• Over the period 2016 to 2021, the age-standardised rate of deaths due to homicide for First Nations people did not significantly change. Similarly, the gap between First Nations people and non-Indigenous Australians did not significantly change.
• Experiencing actual physical harm in the last 12 months was reported by 6.3% of First Nations people aged over 15 in 2018–19 (around 30,900 people). Of these victims, 74% (around 22,300) reported that they believed their offender was under the influence of alcohol or other substances during the most recent incident.

Research and evaluation findings 

• The Escaping Violence Payment trial was successful because its flexibility allowed tailored support to meet diverse needs, and its accessibility ensured simple, inclusive processes and timely assistance, enabling victim-survivors to make informed choices about leaving violent relationships. 
• Community patrols are a proactive strategy initiated by some First Nations communities to enhance safety. Successful community patrols benefit from community involvement and ownership, and long-term government support. 
• Systemic issues stemming from colonisation, racism, and institutional failures can be addressed by ensuring government systems are culturally safe, trauma-informed, and accountable across justice, health, housing, and child protection.
• The National Children's Commissioner's ‘Help Way Earlier!’ report highlighted that Australia is failing to protect the rights of children, particularly those at risk of or in contact with the criminal justice system. Some children, especially First Nations children, experience intersecting socioeconomic disadvantages, including poverty, intergenerational trauma, family, domestic and sexual violence, child abuse and neglect, homelessness, and inadequate health care.
• Research has found that Government approaches tend to narrowly focus on criminalisation and discrete behaviours such as interpersonal violence, alcohol use, and crime, while failing to address the broader social, cultural, and behavioural factors that contribute to safety and wellbeing.

Implications 

Efforts to improve community safety must be led by First Nations communities and supported by governments through sustained investment, culturally safe services, and systemic reform. Programs must be trauma-informed, healing-focused, and responsive to the lived experiences of First Nations women, children, and families. Addressing intergenerational trauma, improving data quality, and more equitable justice system outcomes are key to achieving safer communities. Recent national initiatives – including the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Action Plan 2023–2025, the Leaving Violence Program, and the Northern Territory Remote Aboriginal Investment – reflect growing recognition of the need for community-led, culturally grounded approaches that strengthen safety, wellbeing, and self-determination.   

Why is it important?

Safe communities, where people feel secure and protected from harm within their home, workplace and community, are important for physical, social and emotional wellbeing (AIHW 2025c). When people feel safe, they can live healthier, happier lives and are more likely to join in and connect with their community.

Community wellbeing and safety are shaped by social determinants such as access to health supports, access to suitable housing, education, employment and income (AIHW 2025a). Poverty and lack of opportunities can diminish hope and aspiration, leading to substance abuse, poor mental health, and increased involvement in crime. For Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander (First Nations) people, long-term social disadvantage and the ongoing impact of past dispossession and forced child-removal policies, which result in intergenerational trauma and a breakdown of access to traditional culture and kinship practices, have contributed to social problems (AIHW 2025c). Positive cultural determinants have been shown to improve outcomes in community safety. These determinants include connection to Country, kin, land, family, and spirituality; strong and positive social networks; supports to heal from trauma; and empowerment through self-determination and leadership (AHRC 2020).

First Nations people have experienced violence in the context of colonisation, intergenerational trauma, discrimination, racism and cultural dispossession (Day et al. 2013; Our Watch 2018b). The Wiyi Yani U Thangani (Women’s Voices) Report (2020) also highlights that intersectional discrimination, which is a combination of race, gender, culture and other discrimination, is a major driver of violence against First Nations women and girls (AHRC 2020). This has resulted in social, economic, physical, psychological and emotional impacts (AIHW 2018; Coles et al. 2015; Loxton et al. 2019; Our Watch 2018b).

‘Lateral violence’ describes the way people in positions of powerlessness covertly or overtly direct their dissatisfaction inward towards themselves, each other, and those less powerful than themselves. Lateral violence is a product of complex historical and social dynamics that is not limited to physical violence but can also include social, emotional, psychological, economic and spiritual forms of violence by individuals and groups (Priday et al. 2011). For First Nations people, the roots of this are found in colonisation, control, oppression, intergenerational trauma and experiences of racism (Korff 2015).

Most First Nations people do not commit violence or crime; however, they are disproportionally represented as both perpetrators and victims of violence. First Nations people face violence from both non-Indigenous people and other First Nations people. Violence can occur both in the community and at home, involving strangers, family, and kinship relations (AIHW 2018; Our Watch 2018b). This over-representation is driven by complex, cumulative, and intergenerational factors, including systemic racism and lack of cultural safety within government institutions. As highlighted in the Jumbunna ACT Review (2024), structural issues such as racial profiling, unconscious bias, and inadequate cultural safety contribute significantly to these outcomes. This over-representation of First Nations people is also seen in Australia’s child protection, youth and adult justice systems (AIHW 2025d); see measures 2.11 Contact with the criminal justice system and 2.12 Child protection). Addressing these challenges requires a whole-of-government response, including independent reviews and community-led, self-determined strategies to ensure accountability and meaningful change (Cunneen et al. 2025).

In 2022, homicide and violence accounted for 8% of the burden of disease due to injuries among First Nations people (3,204 of 40,037 DALYs), with men and boys experiencing 65% of this burden and women and girls 35% (AIHW 2022). Exploratory analysis from the Australian Burden of Disease Study 2018 suggested that while intimate partner violence was by far the main contributor to the homicide and violence burden for women and girls, the burden for men and boys was spread across family members, intimate partners and acquaintances (AIHW 2022). Family violence is a major reason for seeking assistance from homelessness services (see measure 2.01 Housing) and also has implications for child protection (see measure 2.12 Child protection).

The Senate Inquiry into Missing and Murdered First Nations Women and Children Report highlights the disproportionately high rates of violence faced by First Nations women and children, which is often unreported. It identifies systemic failures in the justice system, including inadequate support services and a lack of culturally appropriate responses. The Report stresses the need for improved data collection to understand the issue better and develop effective interventions. It emphasises the importance of community-led, culturally informed solutions and recommends the government work with First Nations communities to implement actions and improve safety and justice outcomes (Parliament of Australia 2024).

The National Agreement on Closing the Gap (National Agreement) was developed in partnership between Australian governments and the Coalition of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peak Organisations. It includes 19 targets across 17 socioeconomic outcome areas. Four of these targets directly relate to community safety and are monitored annually by the Productivity Commission. These targets aim to reduce violence, reduce the overrepresentation of First Nations people in the child protection and criminal justice systems, and improve overall community safety and wellbeing.

The National Agreement has been built around 4 Priority Reforms that have been directly informed by First Nations people. These reforms will change the way governments work with First Nations people, including through working in partnership and sharing decision making, building the Aboriginal community-controlled sector, transforming government organisations, and improving and sharing access to data and information to enable informed decision making by First Nations communities. The National Agreement has identified the importance of ensuring First Nations families and households are safe.

Key outcomes and targets include:

Outcome area 13: Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander families and households are safe.

• Target: By 2031, the rate of all forms of family violence and abuse against Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander women and children is reduced by at least 50%, as progress towards zero.

Outcome area 12: Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children are not overrepresented in the child protection system: see measure 2.12 Child protection.

• Target: By 2031, reduce the rate of over-representation of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children in out-of-home care by 45%.

Outcome area 10: Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander adults are not overrepresented in the criminal justice system: see measure 2.11 Contact with the criminal justice system.

• Target: By 2031, reduce the rate of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander adults held in incarceration by at least 15%.

Outcome area 11: Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander young people are not overrepresented in the criminal justice system: see measure 2.11 Contact with the criminal justice system.

• Target: By 2031, reduce the rate of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander young people (10–17 years) in detention by at least 30%.

There are also several supporting indicators under Outcome 13 such as hospitalisation rates for family-violence-related assault and homicide rates. For the latest data on the Closing the Gap targets, see the Closing the Gap Information Repository.

The National Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Health Plan 2021–2031 (Health Plan) sets out a renewed vision for improving health and wellbeing outcomes for First Nations people. Developed in full partnership with First Nations communities, the Health Plan recognises the centrality of culture and the right to a safe, healthy, and empowered life. It provides a single, overarching policy framework that embeds both cultural and social determinants of health and aligns with the National Agreement. The Health Plan emphasises culturally safe, prevention-focused, and responsive health services that are free from racism and inequity, and prioritises community-led approaches, genuine partnerships, and strengthening the community-controlled health sector.

The National Agreement is discussed further in the Implications section of this measure.

Reported experience of violence

Note – the data in this section is from the 2018–19 National Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Health Survey (NATSIHS) and cannot be updated, as these questions were not asked in the 2022–23 survey. 

In the 2018–19 NATSIHS, more than 1 in 7 (16%; 76,900) First Nations people aged 15 and over reported they experienced physical and/or threatened physical harm in the preceding 12 months. The proportion of First Nations people who were a victim of physical or threatened violence was similar in surveys conducted in 2002, 2008 and 2014–15 (23%) (Table D2.10.21). While these outcomes are similar, it must be noted that NATSIHS is a stand-alone, cross-sectional survey and results from different years are not directly comparable due to methodological and survey design changes across cycles (see National Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Health Survey methodology, 2022–23).

Experiencing actual physical harm in the last 12 months was reported by 6.3% of First Nations people aged over 15 in 2018–19 (around 30,900 people). Of these victims, 74% (around 22,300) reported that they believed their offender was under the influence of alcohol or other substances during the most recent incident. Alcohol or other substances were more likely to be a factor in remote areas (77% in Remote and Very remote areas combined) than non-remote areas (74% in Major cities, Inner regional and Outer regional areas combined) (Table D2.10.19).

Among the First Nations population in 2018–19, the reported rate of experience of physical or threatened physical harm was slightly higher for males (17%; 39,900) than for females (14%; 36,700) (Table D2.10.22). First Nations females reported actual physical harm at a similar rate to First Nations males (6.2% or 15,040, compared with 6.4% or 16,005) (Table D2.10.19).

Of First Nations victims, females were just as likely as males to report that they knew the offender responsible for their most recent physical harm (95% or 15,100 people compared with 94% or 13,800, respectively). For females who knew the offender, 52% reported that it was a current or previous partner, and 31% reported that it was a friend or family member (Table D2.10.19).

Of 30,900 First Nations people who experienced physical harm in the last 12 months, 44% (13,500) reported the most recent incident to police. First Nations females were twice as likely as males to have reported the most recent incident (60% compared with 29%). Of those who did not report the most recent incident of physical harm to police, reasons for not reporting included believing it was a personal matter (34%), believing there was nothing police could do or that they would be unwilling to do something (17%), or believing it was too trivial/unimportant (15%) (Table D2.10.42).

Formal and informal support services may be used by individuals who have experienced physical harm. Of First Nations people who experienced physical harm in the last 12 months, over half (51%; 15,800) sought help from support services for the most recent incident of physical harm. First Nations females were more likely than males to have sought help (61% compared with 39%). Among those who sought help, 41% sought informal support (friend or family member/work colleague or boss/church), 40% sought help from the police, and 39% sought help from GPs/Aboriginal Medical Services or Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Health Services (Table D2.10.41).

The 2018–19 NATSIHS also found that First Nations people were more likely to report experiencing being a victim of physical or threatened physical harm if they were:

• someone with a disability or long-term health condition (20% compared with 12% for someone with no disability)
• unemployed (29% compared with 14% for those employed)
• a substance user in last 12 months (24% compared with 13% for those who did not use a substance for non-medical purposes) (Table D2.10.1).

First Nations people were also more likely to report being a victim if they were in the lowest (1st) quintile of equivalised gross household income (19%) compared with those in the highest 2 (4th/5th) quintiles (11%) (Table D2.10.1).

Note – The National Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Social Survey (NATSISS) which collects detailed information on the social and cultural experiences of First Nations people has not been conducted since 2014–15. The following data therefore cannot be updated.

In the 2014–15 NATSISS, First Nations females aged 15 and over were less likely to feel safe walking alone in their local area after dark than First Nations males (51% compared with 83%) and were less likely to feel safe alone at home after dark (79% compared with 95%) (Table D2.10.2).

Questions about neighbourhood and community problems in the NATSISS found that First Nations people living in remote areas were more likely than those living in non-remote areas to report being aware of at least one neighbourhood or community problem in their local area, such as problems involving: youth, such as gangs (51% compared with 26%); alcohol (65% compared with 31%); family violence (48% compared with 19%); and assault (46% compared with 14%) (Table D2.10.3).

Hospitalisations due to assault

In this section, information is presented on hospitalisations due to assault – defined as hospitalisations where the principal diagnosis was injury and poisoning, and where the first reported ‘external cause’ was assault. External cause is defined as the environmental event, circumstance, or condition that is regarded as the cause of injury, poisoning and other adverse effect.

Between July 2021 and June 2023, there were 13,869 hospitalisations (or 692 per 100,000 population) due to assault among First Nations people nationally (Table D2.10.4). After adjusting for differences in the age structure between the two populations, First Nations people were 13 times as likely to be hospitalised for assault as non-Indigenous Australians (Table D2.10.4). Hospitalisations due to assault among First Nations people contributed to 1.9% of total 735,887 hospitalisations with a principal diagnosis excluding dialysis (Table D1.02.5, Table D2.10.4).

First Nations people aged 35–44 had the highest rate of hospitalisations due to assault – 1,645 hospitalisations per 100,000 population, compared with 86 per 100,000 for non-Indigenous Australians of the same age, making them about 19 times as likely to be hospitalised for assault (Table D2.10.4, Figure 2.10.1).

Figure 2.10.1: Rates of hospitalisation due to assault, by Indigenous status and age, July 2021 to June 2023

Note: Data are for hospitalisations with a principal diagnosis of injury and poisoning, where the first reported external cause was assault (referred to as ‘hospitalisations due to assault’).

Source: Table D2.10.4. AIHW analysis of National Hospital Morbidity Database.

By state and territory, the rates of hospitalisation due to assault for First Nations people were lowest in Tasmania (146 per 100,000 population) and highest in the Northern Territory (3,064 per 100,000 population). Rates of hospitalisation due to assault were considerably higher for First Nations females than First Nations males in the Northern Territory and Western Australia (1.6 and 1.5 times higher, respectively) (Table D2.10.5, Figure 2.10.2).

Figure 2.10.2: Rates of hospitalisation due to assault for First Nations people, by state and territory and sex, July 2021 to June 2023

Note: Data are for hospitalisations with a principal diagnosis of injury and poisoning, where the first reported external cause was assault (referred to as ‘hospitalisations due to assault’). Rates are crude, i.e. not age-standardised.

Source: Table D2.10.5. AIHW analysis of National Hospital Morbidity Database.

By remoteness, the rates of hospitalisation due to assault for First Nations people were lowest in Major cities (321 per 100,000 population) and highest in Remote and very remote areas (2,351 per 100,000 population). The rates of hospitalisation due to assault were lower for First Nations females than for First Nations males in Major cities (308 compared with 334 per 100,000 population, respectively) and Inner and outer regional areas (406 compared with 434 per 100,000 population, respectively). In contrast, First Nations females were more likely than First Nations males to be hospitalised due to assault in Remote and very remote areas (2,828 compared with 1,865 per 100,000 population, respectively) (Table D2.10.6, Figure 2.10.3). 

The rate of hospitalisation due to assault for First Nations people in Remote and very remote areas was 25 times as high as for non-Indigenous Australians (Table D2.10.6).

Figure 2.10.3: Rates of hospitalisation due to assault for First Nations people, by remoteness and sex, July 2021 to June 2023

Note: Data are for hospitalisations with a principal diagnosis of injury and poisoning, where the first reported external cause was assault (referred to as ‘hospitalisations due to assault’).

Source: Table D2.10.6. AIHW analysis of National Hospital Morbidity Database.

Females made up 55% of hospitalisations due to assault among First Nations people, compared with 30% among non-Indigenous Australians from July 2021 to June 2023. After adjusting for differences in the age structure between the two populations, First Nations females were 24 times as likely as non Indigenous females to have been hospitalised due to assault nationally. First Nations females living in the Northern Territory were 61 times as likely to be hospitalised due to assault as non-Indigenous females in the same jurisdiction (the highest relative difference between First Nations and non-Indigenous females across all jurisdictions) (Table D2.10.5).

For First Nations females across remoteness areas, the relative gap in rates (measured by rate ratio) was highest in Remote and very remote areas, where First Nations females were 48 times as likely to be hospitalised due to assault as non-Indigenous females, followed by Inner and outer regional areas (13 times as likely) (Table D2.10.6).

First Nations males were 8.7 times as likely as non-Indigenous males to be hospitalised due to assault. Across remoteness areas, the highest relative gap in rates between First Nations and non-Indigenous males was for those living in Remote and very remote areas, where First Nations males were 15 times as likely to be hospitalised due to assault as non-Indigenous males, followed by Inner and outer regional areas (5.5 times as likely). In Western Australia, First Nations males were 14 times as likely to be hospitalised due to assault as non-Indigenous males (the highest relative difference between First Nations and non-Indigenous males among all jurisdictions) (Table D2.10.5, Table D2.10.6).

Injury circumstances

The most common external causes of injury for First Nations people and non-Indigenous Australians hospitalised due to assault between July 2021 and June 2023 were assault by bodily force (49% and 61% of hospitalisations due to assault, respectively), assault by blunt object (20% and 11%, respectively), and assault by sharp object (16% and 12%, respectively) (Table D2.10.13, Figure 2.10.4).

Figure 2.10.4: Proportion of hospitalisations due to assault, by most common cause of injury and Indigenous status, July 2021 to June 2023

Note: Data are for hospitalisations with a principal diagnosis of injury and poisoning, where the first reported external cause was assault (referred to as ‘hospitalisations due to assault’).

Source: Tables D2.10.13. AIHW analysis of National Hospital Morbidity Database.

The place of occurrence of assault was recorded for 31% (4,273 of 13,869) of hospitalisations for First Nations people and 55% (15,568 of 28,406) of hospitalisations for non-Indigenous Australians between July 2021 and June 2023. When recorded, the home was the most common location of the assault for both First Nations people (57% or 2,436 hospitalisations) and non-Indigenous Australians (47% or 7,255 hospitalisations) (Table D2.10.15).

For hospitalisations due to assault among First Nations females nationally, 7 in 10 (69% or 1,695 hospitalisations) were due to assaults in the home, 9.2% (228) were due to assaults in a trade or service area and 8% (204) were due to assaults on a street or highway.

For First Nations males, the most common location was also the home (41% or 741 hospitalisations), followed by trade or service area (17% or 296) and street or highway (16% or 279) (Table D2.10.15).

For First Nations people living in non-remote areas, 57% (1,586) of hospitalisations due to assault were for assaults that occurred in the home; this proportion was similar in remote areas 59% (791). For First Nations females living in non-remote areas, 73% (1,067) of hospitalisations due to assault occurred at home compared with 64% (587) in remote areas. For First Nations males, the proportion of hospitalisations due to assaults that occurred at home was lower in non-remote areas (39% or 519 hospitalisations due to assault) than remote areas (50% or 204) (Table D2.10.15).

Family-violence-related assaults

In this measure, ‘hospitalisations due to family-violence-related assaults’ includes hospitalisations due to assault where the perpetrator was recorded as a spouse or domestic partner, parent, or other family member.

For First Nations hospitalisations due to assault between July 2021 and June 2023, the relationship of the perpetrator to the victim was specified for 68% of cases (9,402 of 13,869 hospitalisations) (Table D2.10.16). Where the relationship was specified, in about three quarters of cases (73% or 6,828), the perpetrator was a family member. These are hospitalisations due to family-violence-related assaults. Of these, in 4,261 specified cases the perpetrator was reported as a spouse/domestic partner (45% of family-violence-related assaults), in 262 specified cases a parent was reported as the perpetrator (2.8% of family-violence-related assaults), and in 2,305 specified cases the perpetrator was another family member (25% of family-violence-related assaults). 

For non-Indigenous Australian victims, 36% (6,840 hospitalisations) were cases of family-violence-related assaults. Of these specified cases, spouses or domestic partners were the perpetrator for 23% (4,263) of cases, a parent for 3.2% (608) of specified cases, and another family member for 10% (1,969) of specified cases (Table D2.10.16, Figure 2.10.5).

Figure 2.10.5: Proportion of hospitalisations due to assault, by Indigenous status of the victim and the relationship of the perpetrator to the victim, July 2021 to June 2023

Note: Data are for hospitalisations with a principal diagnosis of injury and poisoning, where the first reported external cause was assault (referred to as ‘hospitalisations due to assault’). Percentages calculated after excluding hospitalisations due to assault where the relationship of the perpetrator to the victim was not specified.

Source: Table D2.10.16. AIHW analysis of National Hospital Morbidity Database.

Between July 2021 and June 2023, for First Nations females’ hospitalisations due to assault where the perpetrator was specified, 83% (5,184) were cases of family-violence-related assaults. Of these, in 59% (3,689) of hospitalisations due to family-violence-related assaults, the recorded perpetrator was a spouse or domestic partner, and in a quarter of cases (24% or 1,495) the perpetrator was another family member or parent. In comparison, for First Nations males’ hospitalisations due to assault where the perpetrator was specified, 52% (1,642) were hospitalisations due to family-violence-related assaults. Of these, spouse or domestic partner was the recorded perpetrator in 18% (571) and another family member or parent in 34% (1,071) of hospitalisations due to family-violence-related assaults (Table D2.10.16, Figure 2.10.6).

Figure 2.10.6: Proportion of hospitalisations due to assault for First Nations people, by sex of the victim and the relationship of the perpetrator to the victim, July 2021 to June 2023

Note: Data are for hospitalisations with a principal diagnosis of injury and poisoning, where the first reported external cause was assault (referred to as ‘hospitalisations due to assault’). Percentages calculated after excluding hospitalisations for assault where the relationship of the perpetrator to the victim was not specified.

Source: Table D2.10.16. AIHW analysis of National Hospital Morbidity Database.

Between July 2021 and June 2023, the rate of hospitalisations due to family-violence-related assaults for First Nations people was 28 times that for non-Indigenous Australians, after adjusting for differences in the age structure between the two populations.

For First Nations females, the rate of hospitalisations due to family-violence-related assaults was 30 times the rate for non-Indigenous females, and for First Nations males, it was 23 times the rate for non-Indigenous males (Table D2.10.35, Figure 2.10.7). Across age groups, First Nations men and women aged 35–44 had the highest rate of hospitalisations due to family-violence-related assaults (404 and 1,256 per 100,000 population respectively) (Table D2.10.35).

Figure 2.10.7: Age-standardised rate of hospitalisations due to family-violence-related assaults, by sex and Indigenous status, July 2021 to June 2023
 

Note: Data are for hospitalisations with a principal diagnosis of injury and poisoning, where the first reported external cause was assault, and where the relationship of the perpetrator to the victim was a spouse/domestic partner, parent, or other family member.

Source: Table D2.10.35. AIHW analysis of National Hospital Morbidity Database.

First Nations people living in Remote and very remote areas had the highest rate of hospitalisations due to family-violence-related assaults – 1,364 per 100,000 population, compared with 124 and 171 per 100,000 population in Major cities, and Inner and outer regional areas, respectively (Table D2.10.37).

The rate of hospitalisations due to family-violence-related assaults was higher for First Nations females than for First Nations males in all remoteness areas. The largest rate difference was for those in Remote and very remote areas, where the rate was 2,052 hospitalisations per 100,000 population for First Nations females, compared with 670 per 100,000 for First Nations males (Table D2.10.37, Figure 2.10.8).

Figure 2.10.8: Rate of hospitalisations due to family-violence-related assaults for First Nations people, by remoteness and sex, July 2021 to June 2023  

Note: Data are for hospitalisations with a principal diagnosis of injury and poisoning, where the first reported external cause was assault, and where the relationship of the perpetrator to the victim was a spouse/domestic partner, parent, or other family member.

Source: Table D2.10.37. AIHW analysis of National Hospital Morbidity Database.

By state and territory, the rate of hospitalisations due to family-violence-related assaults was highest in the Northern Territory (1,792 per 100,000 population), followed by Western Australia (679 per 100,000). The rate was at least twice as high in the Northern Territory as in any other jurisdiction (Table D2.10.36).

Police assault records

In 2024, in the 3 jurisdictions for which data were available (New South Wales, Queensland and South Australia), the number of recorded First Nations victims of assault was:

• 9,538 in Queensland (3,258 per 100,000 population)
• 8,405 in New South Wales (2,347 per 100,000 population)
• 3,964 in South Australia (7,257 per 100,000 population).

Across these states, most First Nations victims of assault were female: 72% (2,840) in South Australia, 70% (6,681) in Queensland and 59% (4,990) in New South Wales (ABS 2025d) (Figure 2.10.9).

Figure 2.10.9: Rate of assault victims among First Nations people, by sex, New South Wales, Queensland and South Australia, 2024

Note: Caution should be used when comparing First Nations victims data across jurisdictions or time periods, due to variations in the proportion of victims with unknown Indigenous status. In 2024, Indigenous status was ‘not stated’ for 24% of assault victims in Queensland, compared with 3.4% in South Australia and 2.3% in New South Wales. Previously Northern Territory victims of assault data were also available. However, a new crime recording system was implemented in the Northern Territory in 2023, impacting Indigenous status data quality for 2023 and 2024 reference periods. Consequently, this data has not been published while reviews occur. A change in recording practice in New South Wales means data cannot be compared with previous reference periods prior to 2022.

Source: AIHW analysis of ABS Recorded Crime – Victims collection data from Table 24 – Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander victims of assault, Selected characteristics, Selected states and territories, 2024 (ABS 2025a).

During 2024, as a proportion of the total assault victims in each state and territory, First Nations people accounted for:

• 17% of assault victims in South Australia (First Nations people represented 2.9% of the total population in South Australia)
• 15% of assault victims in Queensland (First Nations people represented 5.3% of the total population in Queensland)
• 11% of assault victims in New South Wales (First Nations people represented 4.2% of the total population in New South Wales) (ABS 2024, 2025a, 2025c, 2025d).

Homicide

Homicide data in this measure includes murder and manslaughter but excludes driving causing death. Data in this measure is from the National Mortality Database, and is primarily presented for the 5 jurisdictions for which the quality of Indigenous identification in the deaths data is considered to be adequate. This includes: New South Wales, Queensland, Western Australia, South Australia, and the Northern Territory. Data by remoteness are reported for all Australian states and territories combined (see Data sources: National Mortality Database). Nationally, there were 159 deaths of First Nations people due to homicide between 2019 and 2023, of which 108 were males and 51 were females. In the same period, in the 5 jurisdictions for which the Indigenous identification was of adequate quality, there were 148 deaths of First Nations people due to homicide, a rate of 3.4 homicides per 100,000 population. Of these deaths, two-thirds (66%, or 98) were deaths of First Nations males. For First Nations males the death rate due to homicide was 2.0 times the rate of that for First Nations females (Table D2.10.8).

In the 5 jurisdictions, the rate of death due to homicide for First Nations people increased with age for 10-year age groups from 15–24 to 35–44, with the highest rate for those aged 35–44 (7.5 per 100,000 population) (Figure 2.10.10). For First Nations people aged 35–44 the rate of deaths due to homicide was 7.4 times as high as the rate for non-Indigenous Australians (Table D2.10.7).

For First Nations people in the period 2019 to 2023, of the 5 jurisdictions with adequate Indigenous identification, the death rate due to homicide was highest in the Northern Territory (8.1 deaths per 100,000 population) (Figure 2.10.10). 

Figure 2.10.10: Death rate by homicide of First Nations people, by state and territory, by age group, NSW, Qld, WA, SA, and NT, 2019–2023

Note: Caution should be used when interpreting differences in death rates between jurisdictions due to a break in the series in 2021 for New South Wales (see measure 1.22 All-cause age-standardised death rates).

Source: Tables D2.10.7 & D2.10.9. National Mortality Database.

After adjusting for differences in the age structure between the two populations, death rates due to homicide in the 5 jurisdictions combined between 2019 and 2023 were:

• 4.9 times as high for First Nations people as for non Indigenous Australians 
• 5.6 times as high for First Nations females as for non-Indigenous females 
• 4.6 times as high for First Nations males as for non-Indigenous males (Table D2.10.8).

Death rates due to homicide were higher for First Nations people than non-Indigenous Australians in all 5 jurisdictions (based on age-standardised rates). The largest relative difference was in Western Australia where the First Nations rate was 8.4 times as high as the non-Indigenous rate (Table D2.10.9).

An analysis of homicides in the period from 1989–90 to 2023–24 from the Australian Institute of Criminology’s National Homicide Monitoring Program show that in 83% (1,088) of 1,304 homicides nationally where the victim was a First Nations person, the perpetrator was also First Nations (Table D2.10.26). Of these cases, 67% (731) were domestic homicides (Table D2.10.27).

For homicides in this same period where the victim and offender were First Nations people:

• 92% (1,002) of incidents occurred with a single victim and offender
• 6.4% (70) occurred with multiple offenders and a single victim. 

Similarly, in homicides where the victim was First Nations and the offender was non-Indigenous:

• 80% (172) of cases occurred with a single victim and offender
• 19% (41) had multiple offenders with a single victim. 

The victim’s home was the most common location for homicides to occur in: 

• 40% (435) of cases where both victim and offender were First Nations
• 40% (158) of cases where the offender was First Nations and the victim was non-Indigenous 
• 28% (61) of cases where the victim was First Nations and the offender was non-Indigenous (Table D2.10.27). 

Of homicides in the period from 1989–90 to 2023–24 in which the victim was a First Nations person, 60% (787) were killed by a partner or family member and another 24% (311) by a friend or acquaintance. Over the same period, 45% (591) of First Nations homicides occurred with a male victim and offender, while 35% (459) incidents were between a male offender and a female victim (Table D2.10.33).

In the period 2016–17 to 2023–24, the rate of homicide incidents with a First Nations victim was 2.5 per 100,000 in both Major cities (80 homicide incidents) and Inner and outer regional areas (85 homicide incidents), and 7.2 per 100,000 in Remote and very remote areas (86 homicide incidents). The rate of homicides with a non-Indigenous victim was 0.7 per 100,000 in Major cities (1,043 homicide incidents), 0.9 per 100,000 in Inner and outer regional areas (447 homicide incidents), and 0.3 per 100,000 in Remote and very remote areas (25 homicide incidents) (Table D2.10.30).

Contact with police and the criminal justice system

Note – The National Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Social Survey (NATSISS) which collects detailed information on the social and cultural experiences of First Nations people has not been conducted since 2014–15. The following data therefore cannot be updated.

In 2014–15, 48% (101,200) of First Nations males aged 15 and over reported that they had been charged by the police in their lifetime, and 20% (43,300) had been arrested by the police in the last 5 years. Fifty-eight per cent (256,700) of First Nations people aged 15 and over reported that they trusted the police from their local area (ABS 2016) (Table 15.1, 15.3).

As at 30 June 2025, the majority (70%, or 12,107) of First Nations people in prison had been incarcerated due to violence-related offences and offences that cause harm (Table D2.11.21, forthcoming). See measure 2.11 Contact with the criminal justice system for further data about rates of imprisonment, interactions with the police, and socioeconomic characteristics associated with prisoners.

Change over time

From 2016–17 to 2022–23, based on linear regression, the age-standardised rates of hospitalisations due to assault decreased for both First Nations people and non-Indigenous Australians. Among First Nations people, there was a 6.8% decrease in the rate of hospitalisations due to assault nationally, but this change was not statistically significant given year-on-year variation. This compares with a 17.2% decrease for non-Indigenous Australians.

The relative rate of hospitalisations due to assault among First Nations people compared with non-Indigenous Australians generally remained constant between 2016–17 and 2022–23, with a slight downwards trend. However, the rate in 2016–17 was close to 12 times as high for First Nations people as for non-Indigenous Australians, increasing to 14 times as high in 2022–23 (Table D2.10.11, Figure 2.10.11).

Figure 2.10.11: Age-standardised rates of assault hospitalisations, by Indigenous status, Australia, 2016–17 to 2022–23

Notes
1.    Data are for hospitalisations with a principal diagnosis of injury and poisoning, where the first reported external cause was assault.
2.    Caution should be used when comparing this data over time, as the admission practices, classifications and coding standards can change.
3.    Rate difference is the age-standardised rate (per 100,000) for First Nations people minus the age-standardised rate (per 100,000) for non-Indigenous Australians. Rate ratio is the age-standardised rate for First Nations people divided by the age-standardised rate for non-Indigenous Australians.

Source: Table D2.10.11. AIHW analysis of National Hospital Morbidity Database.

Based on age-standardised rates, the rate of hospitalisations due to assault for First Nations females decreased by 5.3% between 2016–17 and 2022–23 (from 894 to 878 per 100,000 population), but this change was not statistically significant given year-on-year variation. Similarly for First Nations males in the same period, there was little change to the hospitalisation rate (from 781 to 737 per 100,000 population) (Table D2.10.11).

Over the period of 2016–17 to 2022–23, there was a 4.3% decrease (from 353 to 351 per 100,000 population) in hospitalisations due to family-violence-related assaults for First Nations people nationally. The decrease was lower among First Nations females (1.6% decrease) compared with First Nations males (12% decrease). During 2022–23, the rate of hospitalisations related to family violence for First Nations females (535 per 100,000 population) was over 3 times the rate for First Nations males (167 per 100,000).

After adjusting for differences in the age structure between the two populations, First Nations people were 29 times as likely as non-Indigenous Australians to be hospitalised for family-violence-related assaults in 2022–23. The gap in rates of family-violence-related hospitalisations between First Nations people and non-Indigenous Australians remained similar over the period 2016–17 to 2022–23 (Table D2.10.38, Figure 2.10.12).

Figure 2.10.12: Age-standardised hospitalisation rates for family-violence-related assaults, by Indigenous status, Australia, 2016–17 to 2022–23

Note: Rate difference is the age-standardised rate (per 100,000) for First Nations people minus the age-standardised rate (per 100,000) for non-Indigenous Australians. Rate ratio is the age-standardised rate for First Nations people divided by the age-standardised rate for non-Indigenous Australians.

Source: Table D2.10.38. AIHW analysis of National Hospital Morbidity Database.

From 2016 to 2021, linear regression of the age-standardised rates of deaths due to homicide for First Nations people showed a 30% decrease, but this change was not statistically significant, likely due to the small number of time points and considerable year-to-year variability. Over this same period, the rate of deaths due to homicide also did not significantly change for non-Indigenous Australians. There was no statistically significant change in the gap in death rates due to homicide between First Nations and non-Indigenous Australians over this period (Table D2.10.10, Figure 2.10.13). See 1.22 All-cause age-standardised death rates for further details on time series analysis of National Hospital Morbidity Database.

Figure 2.10.13: Age-standardised rates of deaths due to homicide, by Indigenous status, NSW, Qld, WA, SA, and NT, 2016–2023
 

Notes: 
1. Rate difference is the age-standardised rate (per 100,000 population) for First Nations people minus the age-standardised rate (per 100,000) for non-Indigenous Australians. Rate ratio is the age-standardised rate for First Nations people divided by the age-standardised rate for non-Indigenous Australians.
2. Caution should be used when interpreting changes in death rates over time due to a break in the series in 2021 (see measure 1.22 All-cause age-standardised death rates and Data Sources and Quality).

Source: Table D2.10.10. AIHW National Mortality Database.

Health effects of violence

Experiences of violence are associated with adverse health effects on the victim, their children, their family and their community. Some key findings related to the health effects of violence are outlined below, which are not specific to First Nations people unless otherwise stated: 

• Research that is led by, or centres, the voices of First Nations people highlights the importance of recognising impacts of historical oppression and colonisation as contributing to the way First Nations women experience violence, including intersections between partner and family, racial and systemic violence. Emerging evidence suggests that health care that is both trauma and violence-informed is safer and more accessible for First Nations women (Cullen et al. 2021).
• Throughout their lifetime, women who experience childhood abuse or household dysfunction have poorer health outcomes. These differences were evident across general health, physical function, bodily pain and mental health (Coles et al. 2015; Loxton et al. 2019).
• Women who face domestic violence are found to have higher rates of miscarriage, pre-term birth and low birthweight babies (World Health Organization 2011). They are also more likely to be diagnosed with cervical cancer or sexually transmitted infections (AIHW 2019; Loxton et al. 2009).
• Women who suffer traumatic brain injury as a result of family violence are less likely to present to an emergency department and experience multiple barriers to care, increasing risk of long-term impairments or permanent disability. This is under-recognised in child protection law increasing the risk of children being removed and failing to provide women with avenues to receive support with caring for children and other dependents (Fitts et al. 2023; Fitts and Soldatic 2024).
• Poor family functioning can have negative effects on children, including effects on brain development, which can affect learning, behaviour and health. Children may also experience depression, anxiety, cognitive and developmental delays, and poor academic performance (Atkinson 2013; Carpenter and Stacks 2009; Edleson 1999; Humphreys et al. 2008; Kitzmann et al. 2003; Sety 2011).
• Physical violence (not family-specific) negatively affects the life satisfaction of both women and men and reduces the life satisfaction of First Nations women more than First Nations men (Jayasinghe et al. 2020).
• Experiencing family violence can affect a person’s education, employment, economic security and housing (AIHW 2018; Closing the Gap Clearinghouse 2016).
• In Queensland, First Nations women accounted for the majority of hospital admissions related to family and domestic violence (FDV) in remote regions, reaching 84% in Central West, South West, and North West areas, and over half in Far Northern and Northern Queensland. Collectively, these regions represented 68% of all First Nations FDV hospitalisations statewide, highlighting compounded vulnerability due to geographic isolation and systemic gaps (Longbottom and Mills 2025).

First Nations context

First Nations people have experienced violence in the context of colonisation, intergenerational trauma, discrimination, and cultural dispossession (Day et al. 2013; Our Watch 2018b). First Nations families and family structures were severely damaged by past government policies and the colonial legacy, the consequences of which are still evident (Atkinson 2013; Closing the Gap Clearinghouse 2016; Haebich 2000).

The Wiyi Yani U Thangani (Women’s Voices) Report (2020) further underscores the complexity of these issues by highlighting the role of intersectional discrimination. This form of discrimination arises from the overlapping and intersecting social identities of race, gender, culture, and other factors, which collectively contribute to the heightened vulnerability of First Nations women and girls to violence. The report emphasises that these intersecting forms of discrimination are major drivers of violence against First Nations women and girls, leading to profound social, economic, physical, psychological, and emotional effects (AHRC 2020).

The National Children's Commissioner's report ‘Help Way Earlier!’: How Australia can transform child justice to improve safety and wellbeing (2024) highlighted that Australia is failing to protect the rights of children, particularly those at risk of or in contact with the criminal justice system. Despite obligations under the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC), systemic failures persist across health, education, child protection, and justice systems. Some children, especially First Nations children, experience intersecting socioeconomic disadvantages, including poverty, intergenerational trauma, family, domestic and sexual violence, child abuse and neglect, homelessness, and inadequate health care. These factors are compounded by mental health concerns and unsupported disability, including neurodevelopmental and learning issues. These unmet basic rights, such as safety, education, health, and participation in matters impacting them, are not only drivers of justice system contact but are also breaches of Australia’s human rights obligations. Children themselves have called for earlier support, safe housing, access to education and employment, and culturally safe services. First Nations children are disproportionately affected and continue to be overrepresented in detention, often unsentenced and held in conditions that further harm their wellbeing (Australian Human Rights Commission 2024). 

This intersectional discrimination has resulted in significant challenges for First Nations people, including adverse health outcomes, disrupted family structures, and ongoing social and economic disadvantages (AIHW 2018; Coles et al. 2015; Loxton et al. 2019; Our Watch 2018b). Addressing these issues requires a comprehensive understanding of the unique experiences of First Nations people, particularly women and girls and the implementation of culturally informed and community-led solutions.

The Changing the picture report, published by Our Watch in 2018, included analysis of the ongoing effects of colonisation both within and from outside First Nations communities. It examined how non-Indigenous Australians continue forms of racism and violence, and how gender specific factors intersect with these issues to drive violence (Our Watch 2018a, 2018b). 

• For First Nations people, ongoing effects of colonisation include: intergenerational and collective trauma; systemic oppression, disempowerment, and racism; destruction/disruption of traditional cultures, relationships and community norms about violence; personal experience of violence; and the condoning of violence within First Nations communities.
• Non-Indigenous Australians perpetuate the effects of colonisation through: racialised structural inequalities of power; entrenched racism in social norms, attitudes and practices; racist violence; the condoning of violence; and insufficient accountability for violence against First Nations people.
• Gender-specific factors caused by socially entrenched gender inequality can intersect with the factors above to drive violence such as: the disruption to traditional culture; rigid male and female roles; imposed colonial patriarchy; and male decision-making power.

There is also a known association between vulnerability to family violence and socioeconomic disadvantage (Fahmy et al. 2016). First Nations people experience socioeconomic disadvantage at higher rates than non-Indigenous Australians (see measure 2.09 Socioeconomic indexes). 

Research has shown that the definition and conceptualisation of community safety significantly differs between First Nations communities and Australian government strategies. Government approaches tend to narrowly focus on criminalisation and discrete behaviours such as interpersonal violence, alcohol use, and crime, while failing to address the broader social, cultural, and behavioural factors that contribute to safety and wellbeing (Georg and Manning 2019).

Program evaluations

There have been few published, rigorous, multi-stage evaluations of programs designed to reduce family violence in First Nations communities. Little research has been done to explore the variation in violence levels and relative success of prevention programs (AIHW 2018). Evaluations lack comparison groups and detailed assessments of the effects of programs on subsequent rates of violence. The use of different outcome measures across studies also makes it difficult to compare results (Day et al. 2013). However, from the few evaluations of family violence and community patrol programs, some successful principles are clear.

An evaluation of the Australian Government’s 2-year trial of the Escaping Violence Payment (EVP) found it was highly effective in supporting individuals to make choices about leaving violent relationships. Critical factors for its success included accessible and inclusive application and assessment processes, effective risk assessment and safety planning, timely access, flexible case work support, and good referral service access (Whereto Research Consultancy 2023). Building on this, a place-based trial was launched in 2023, to deliver culturally appropriate support to First Nations victim-survivors in the Cairns region, Cape York and Torres Strait, Queensland, through a local community-controlled organisation, the Remote Area Aboriginal and Torres Islander Child Care (RAATSICC). The evaluation of this place-based trial confirmed that taking a place-based approach was an effective way to extend program reach to clients with cultural and complex service needs, and the EVP continued to be highly effective in supporting people to leave violent relationships. However, this trial was under-subscribed, with only 277 participants compared to the 1,000 originally forecast (Whereto Research Consultancy 2025).

An evaluation of eSafety’s Dedicated Project Officer Grants program under the National Plan to End Violence against Women and Children 2022–2032 reaffirmed the importance of community-led projects and activities that are flexible to local needs and co-designed with the community. They recommended that similar, future programs consider the time it takes to build relationships with and within First Nations communities, and fund accordingly (eSafety Commissioner 2023).

Effective healing programs

Wathaurong’s Fresh Tracks Social and Emotional Wellbeing (SEWB) program and its sub-initiative Fishing for Answers provide assertive outreach and psychological counselling for First Nations clients with complex psychosocial needs, including those on Community Corrections Orders. The program integrates cultural healing at Wurdi Youang, uses SEWB frameworks, and has shown measurable improvements in psychological distress (K10 scores), with strong interagency partnerships and culturally safe care coordination (Thornton 2017).

Waminda’s Yili Njindiwan (Carry You All) case management model reflects a trauma and violence-informed, community-led approach that centres First Nations families and cultural ways of being. Complementing this, Waminda’s broader interagency decolonisation work has strengthened community safety and wellbeing by enhancing workforce capability and building shared responsibility across sectors to dismantle structural racism and improve outcomes for First Nations families (Cullen et al. 2020).

The What works? report on healing programs that respond to family violence by Australia’s National Research Organisation for Women’s Safety (ANROWS), identified the following traits as characteristic of effective healing programs (Carlson et al. 2024):

• recognition of family violence healing programs as being anti-colonial work
• First Nations-led and locally-specific in conceptualisation and approach, with government accountability for top-down decisions
• a ‘holistic’ approach which addresses family violence at every level of service, including health, law, housing, employment and criminal justice, and also targets not just the individual but the family and broader community
• effective networks, partnerships and collaborations between organisations, services and programs to best support communities
• trauma-aware, healing-informed and strengths-based approaches
• centring people who have experienced family violence and implementing non-carceral responses for people who have perpetrated family violence
• sustainability of human and fiscal resources
• recognition of shared experiences
• builds trust, meets the expectations of community and ensures the clients’ feelings of comfort and safety when accessing services. 

Barriers to effective programs include the lack of integrated and coordinated service delivery practices; unrealistic expectations and timelines set by governments and the community; applying a simplistic approach to policy development to deal with entrenched issues; operating with a lack of cultural awareness; and unsustainable responses that rely solely on short-term government funding (Closing the Gap Clearinghouse 2016).

In January 2021, a review was published on the Third Action Plan (3AP) of the National Plan to Reduce Violence Against Women and Their Children 2010–22 (the National Plan), with the specific focus on 3AP's Priority Area 2: Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Women and Their Children. The 3AP funding was intended to help service providers deliver initiatives to address one or more of 4 categories: (1) trauma-informed therapeutic services, (2) men's behaviour change programs, (3) intensive family case management and (4) victim services through legal service providers. Some key findings from the review included (Cahill et al. 2021):

• Interviewees from sites frequently described how a holistic approach to treatment provided positive results.
• Programs that were able to engage informal and formal institutions in communities, from law enforcement to local clubs, created extended systems of support for program clients that had positive impacts on program goals.
• Clinicians noted that storytelling and narrative therapeutic approaches were often quite effective, in part because these approaches fit well with First Nations cultural practices.
• Recruiting First Nations staff in programs was critical.

The Fourth Action Plan (2019–22) of the National Plan focused on 5 national priorities: prevention, safe housing, frontline services, justice system improvements, and recovery. It emphasised culturally safe responses for First Nations women and children, including trauma-informed services and community-led initiatives. A strategic follow-up, Unlocking the Prevention Potential (2024), reviewed prevention approaches and recommended stronger engagement with children, men, and communities, highlighting the need for structural reform and sustained investment in culturally appropriate services to end gender-based violence (PM&C 2024b). An evaluation of the Fourth Action Plan indicated progress in several domains, such as shifts in community attitudes, enhanced service responses, and increased engagement with priority populations (KPMG 2022).

Community patrols

Community patrols, also known as night patrol, foot patrol, street patrol, youth or women’s patrol, are a proactive strategy initiated by some First Nations communities to enhance safety. They have a diverse range of functions, tailored to the unique needs of local communities in remote and non-remote settings. They are non-coercive and aim to support community members at risk of harm, de-escalate tensions, divert individuals from situations that could lead to criminal justice involvement, and connect people with support services such as sobering-up shelters or women’s refuges. In some communities, where police presence is minimal and response times can be delayed, patrols play a crucial role in maintaining safety (Beacroft et al. 2011; Blagg 2007; Closing the Gap Clearinghouse 2013; d’Abbs and Hewlett 2023).

Successful community patrols tend to benefit from community involvement and ownership, strong collaboration with (but independence from) police, and relationships with a network of community services. Other elements that appear to be important for the success of patrols include long-term government support, endorsement by key community members, effective community governance, social cohesion and patrollers understanding their legal rights and their role. Patrols should be part of a comprehensive strategy that includes cooperation with other community programs and initiatives such as women’s and youth refuges, health clinics, hospitals, safe houses, sobering-up shelters, mediation programs, community justice groups, substance abuse support services, youth centres, and outstations and homelands initiatives (Beacroft et al. 2011; Blagg 2007; Closing the Gap Clearinghouse 2013).

Police responses and domestic violence protection orders

First Nations women who experience domestic violence have described police responses as being sometimes favourable and sometimes very harmful. Common experiences described by First Nations women included reluctance and inaction from police, and failures to enforce law and policy. Even when police did act, First Nations women reported experiencing harm through protective paternalism, state surveillance and criminalisation. Drawing on coronial and fatality review files of 68 First Nations women killed by male partners, and interviews with 22 First Nations Elders, survivors and specialist workers, a study found that 88% of victims had prior police contact, with 90% experiencing harms from police inaction and two-thirds experiencing harms from police action (Buxton-Namisnyk 2022). 

Research has contested the effectiveness of domestic violence protection orders (DVOs), particularly for First Nations women. For example, Douglas and Fitzgerald (2018) found that First Nations women are overrepresented in DVOs as victims (aggrieved) or accused (respondent) or both, and identified the wide discretion of the justice system to criminalise breaches, all in the context of a justice system which subjects First Nations people to biased treatment and sentencing. Their research suggests these biases unfairly criminalise First Nations women (AHRC 2020; Douglas and Fitzgerald 2018).

Data from the 2018–19 National Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Health Survey show that most First Nations people do not regularly experience physical or threatened harm (ABS 2019). However, for those who do, the effects can be severe and long-lasting. The nature of these effects differs for men and women, and the prevalence varies by age and remoteness. The data also shows associations between experiences of physical or threatened harm and other social determinants such as low income, unemployment, alcohol and substance use. These associations reflect entrenched disadvantage and the intergenerational transmission of poverty, not unique to First Nations people (AIHW 2017, 2025b). 

Monitoring statistics regarding personal, family, and community safety plays an important role in providing evidence to support targeted efforts to assist communities and stimulate research into ways to reduce violence, improve safety, and improve services for victims. However, it is crucial to note that this statistical catalogue of violence levels is not intended to further entrench a deficit approach by Australian governments. It establishes a statistical context based on current data collection practices across various datasets that measure different concepts of violence and its consequences as well as interactions with different services or systems. What should not be overlooked is the capability, strength, and resilience of First Nations people in finding solutions to these issues for their communities. There is also a need to consider how non-Indigenous Australians and institutions have contributed to the causes of violence. This complexity is not often captured in data systems, and this potentially hinders both public understanding and the implementation of solutions.

Improving the quality of Indigenous status identification across all relevant datasets remains a priority. Comprehensive data on First Nations family violence is limited due to under-reporting by victims – often due to the lack of culturally safe services, language barriers, and mistrust in police (Mitra-Kahn et al. 2016; Olsen and Lovett 2016). Additional challenges include inadequate screening and identification of family and domestic violence (FDV) incidents by service providers, incomplete gender identification, and limited capacity to disaggregate data to reflect geographic variation. There is a lack of nationally comparable data on family violence from police, courts, health and welfare sources (AIHW 2018). The Australian Bureau of Statistics’ National Crime and Justice Data Linkage Project aims to address these gaps by developing a longitudinal criminal justice data asset, which may improve the availability and quality of integrated data relevant to family violence (ABS 2025b).

The Changing the Picture report published by Our Watch in 2018 highlighted the ongoing effects of colonisation, both within and outside First Nations communities. It emphasises the importance of addressing intergenerational trauma, strengthening connections to culture, and implementing community-led solutions. The report calls for non-Indigenous Australians and institutions to challenge and prevent all forms of racism, increase understanding of First Nations culture, and ensure greater representation of First Nations people in decision-making processes (Our Watch 2018b). 

Additionally, the Wiyi Yani U Thangani (Women’s Voices) report calls for a human-rights-based framework to address violence, focusing on principles such as self-determination, participation in decision-making, non-discrimination, and respect for culture (AHRC 2020). Intergenerational trauma could be addressed through healing strategies; strengthening connection to culture, language, knowledge, and cultural identity; strengthening support for families; implementing specific initiatives for First Nations women and girls; implementing targeted initiatives for First Nations men and boys; challenging the condoning of violence in First Nations communities; having a judicial system that ensures equality in law and access to justice; and reducing the rate of incarceration (Our Watch 2018a, 2018b). The Wiyi Yani U Thangani First Nations Women’s Safety Policy Forum Outcomes Report (2022) adds that there must be a national approach to embed trauma and healing informed practices across all services responding to family and sexual violence, including child protection, justice, health and housing, and calls for holistic systems reform across health, housing, infrastructure, education and employment (Australian Human Rights Commission 2022).

Actions taken to address violence against women should challenge racist and sexist attitudes and social norms (Our Watch 2018a, 2018b). First Nations women have expressed that the criminal justice system tends to reinforce state control and force the separation of First Nations people. This leads to situations where women have felt a responsibility to maintain the family even when this puts their own safety at risk (Blagg et al. 2018). The overarching goal should be to end violence against women and children through empowerment, unity, and culturally relevant justice initiatives. For more information on justice initiatives see measure 2.11 Contact with the criminal justice system.

Family Violence Prevention Legal Services (FVPLS) are First Nations community-controlled organisations funded by the Australian Government to provide culturally safe legal and support services for First Nations people affected by violence. A 2019 evaluation identified gaps in data and systemic issues. In response, FVPLS and the National Indigenous Australians Agency co-designed improved service models, leading to better outcomes and exceeding support targets (Charles Darwin University Northern Institute 2019). This reform process led to the establishment of First Nations Advocates Against Family Violence (FNAAFV), a national peak body advocating for First Nations-led responses. These developments highlight the importance of community leadership, data improvement, and sustained investment in culturally safe services.

The Australian, state, and territory governments are working together to end gender-based violence within a generation, with a specific focus on First Nations women and girls due to the disproportionate impact of family, domestic and sexual violence they experience. At its September 2024 meeting, National Cabinet announced a $4.7 billion package to address gender-based violence, reaffirming a central focus on missing and murdered First Nations women and children. It also committed that all actions under this package will explicitly consider the needs and experiences of First Nations people, and be delivered in genuine partnership with First Nations communities (PM&C 2024a).

This announcement built on earlier investments, including $262.6 million committed in the 2022–23 Federal Budget, which is being delivered over 5 years (2022–23 to 2026–27) through the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Action Plan 2023–2025 to support the safety of First Nations families. This funding supports Four Immediate Priority grants and the development of Our Ways – Strong Ways – Our Voices: National Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Plan to End Family, Domestic and Sexual Violence 2026–2036. Additional initiatives embed a First Nations lens, such as $81.3 million over 6 years from 2024–25 to expand child-centric trauma-informed supports for children and young people, and to design new and revised programs for those with experiences of violence, with a particular focus on First Nations children and young people. Evaluation of First Nations-specific actions will be embedded in the development and implementation of the national plan, with states and territories responsible for directing resources based on local priorities.

The National Plan to Reduce Violence against Women and their Children 2010–2022 (the National Plan 2010–2022) was established to coordinate efforts across all levels of governments. An evaluation of the National Plan 2010–2022 found it was effective in maintaining women’s safety as a national priority and facilitating sustained commitment from all Australian governments. However, it did not adequately respond to the needs of First Nations women, with gaps in funding, policy, service, and data collection relating to their experiences (KPMG 2022). 

The National Plan to End Violence against Women and Children 2022–2032 (the National Plan 2022–2032) was released in October 2022. A dedicated Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Action Plan 2023–2025 (Family Safety Action Plan) has been developed in recognition of the disproportionately high rates of family, domestic and sexual violence experienced by First Nations people. The Family Safety Action Plan outlines activities under 5 Reform Areas:

1. Voice, self-determination and agency
2. Strength, resilience and therapeutic healing
3. Reform institutions and systems
4. Evidence and data eco-systems
5. Inclusion and intersectionality

The Australian Government has invested $103.4 million in 4 Immediate Priority Grants under the Family Safety Action Plan to address family violence for First Nations people, as well as expand the Leaving Violence Program Regional Trials. 

The Australian Government announced the establishment of the permanent Leaving Violence Program as a $925 million investment to support victim-survivors to make choices about leaving violent intimate partner relationships. The Program commenced on 1 July 2025 providing eligible victim-survivors individualised financial support packages of up to $5,000 and other supports. The Program has 2 delivery models including a national program and 4 regional trials in Cairns, Darwin, Dubbo and Broome, offering tailored, trauma-informed support to victim-survivors living in those locations, particularly First Nations people. 

The 4 Immediate Priority Grants are for crisis accommodation services, programs delivered by First Nations community-controlled organisations, men’s wellness centres, and community-led prevention programs and campaigns for children.

The 2025–26 Federal Budget included new allocations for family violence prevention programs, including $21.8 million over 2 years (from 2025–26) to continue the delivery of prevention, early intervention, and response services that work with the whole family to address the impacts of violence specifically for First Nations communities. In addition, the Budget provides $21.4 million over 3 years (from 2025–26) to improve victim and survivor engagement with the justice system, addressing barriers and providing targeted support.

On 7 February 2025, the Australian and Northern Territory Government, together with Aboriginal Peak Organisations Northern Territory, signed a 6-year Partnership Agreement for remote service delivery through the Northern Territory Remote Aboriginal Investment (NTRAI). The Australian Government is investing $842.6 million over 6 years in critical services and infrastructure that support the safety and wellbeing of First Nations women, children and families in remote Northern Territory communities. NTRAI includes new investment in Aboriginal Community Controlled Children and Family Centres to enable communities to determine their own solutions to complex safety issues. There will also be additional funding for services that address the higher rates of FDV in the Northern Territory such as remote policing, women’s safety and mediation initiatives.

Other recent investments complement the measures outlined above and form part of the broader national effort to end gender-based violence. These include $27 million over 5 years (from 2022–23) for innovative approaches aimed at changing the behaviour of individuals who use violence and supporting them to stop. This investment is national in scope and is not part of the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Action Plan. In addition, the 2025–26 Federal Budget committed $366.9 million over 5 years (from 2025–26) under a renewed National Partnership Agreement on Family, Domestic, and Sexual Violence Responses, which will be matched by states and territories.

In February 2026, the Australian Government launched Our Ways – Strong Ways – Our Voices: National Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Plan to End Family, Domestic and Sexual Violence 2026–2036, supported by a $218.3 million investment for immediate actions. This plan will aim to increase the safety and wellbeing of First Nations women and children by guiding a whole-of-society approach to addressing violence and setting the direction of government action under the National Agreement on Closing the Gap (Minister for Indigenous Australians 2026; SNAICC 2024).

The National Agreement on Closing the Gap sets out ambitious targets and priority reforms that will change the way governments work to enhance the life outcomes of First Nations people. Key policy changes include providing culturally appropriate support services, especially for women and children facing violence, and reforming the justice system to reduce the over-representation of First Nations people. Emphasising community-led solutions, improving data collection, and addressing social determinants like poverty and housing instability are crucial for creating safer communities and enhancing the wellbeing of First Nations people in Australia. These efforts collectively aim to foster empowerment and self-determination for First Nations communities. 

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